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`In playing the role of party leader and being absorbed by the questions of administration, the old generation accustomed itself to think and to decide, as it still does, for the party. For the communist masses, it brings to the forefront purely bookish, pedagogical methods of participating in political life: elementary political training courses, examinations of the knowledge of its members, party schools, etc. Thence the bureaucratism of the apparatus, its cliquism, its exclusive internal life, in a word, all the traits that constitute the profoundly negative side of the old course.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1923/newcourse/ch01.htm`,`The New Course (1923)` `In playing the role of party leader and being absorbed by the questions of administration, the old generation accustomed itself to think and to decide, as it still does, for the party. For the communist masses, it brings to the forefront purely bookish, pedagogical methods of participating in political life: elementary political training courses, examinations of the knowledge of its members, party schools, etc. Thence the bureaucratism of the apparatus, its cliquism, its exclusive internal life, in a word, all the traits that constitute the profoundly negative side of the old course.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1923/newcourse/ch01.htm`,`The New Course (1923)`
`Those comrades who assert most flatly, with the greatest insistence and sometimes most brutally, that every difference of opinion, every grouping of opinion, however temporary, is an expression of the interests of classes opposed to the proletariat, do not want to apply this criterion to bureaucratism.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1923/newcourse/ch03.htm`,`The New Course (1923)` `Those comrades who assert most flatly, with the greatest insistence and sometimes most brutally, that every difference of opinion, every grouping of opinion, however temporary, is an expression of the interests of classes opposed to the proletariat, do not want to apply this criterion to bureaucratism.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1923/newcourse/ch03.htm`,`The New Course (1923)`
`Mechanical centralism is necessarily complemented by factionalism, which is at once a malicious caricature of democracy and a potential political danger.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1923/newcourse/x01.htm`,` Letter to Party Meetings (1923)` `Mechanical centralism is necessarily complemented by factionalism, which is at once a malicious caricature of democracy and a potential political danger.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1923/newcourse/x01.htm`,` Letter to Party Meetings (1923)`
`The Soviet bureaucracy is like all ruling classes in that it is ready to shut its eyes to the crudest mistakes of its leaders in the sphere of general politics, provided in return they show an unconditional fidelity in the defense of its privileges.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1936/revbet/ch11.htm`,`Revolution Betrayed (1936)`
`If the leaders seek only to preserve themselves, that is what they become; preserves, dried preserves.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1940/08/american.htm`,`Some Questions on American Problems (1940)` `If the leaders seek only to preserve themselves, that is what they become; preserves, dried preserves.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1940/08/american.htm`,`Some Questions on American Problems (1940)`
`The Soviet Union emerged from the October Revolution as a workers state. State ownership of the means of production, a necessary prerequisite to socialist development, opened up the possibility of rapid growth of the productive forces. But the apparatus of the workers’ state underwent a complete degeneration at the same time: it was transformed from a weapon of the working class into a weapon of bureaucratic violence against the working class and more and more a weapon for the sabotage of the country’s economy. The bureaucratization of a backward and isolated workers’ state and the transformation of the bureaucracy into an all-powerful privileged caste constitute the most convincing refutation – not only theoretically, but this time, practically – of the theory of socialism in one country.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1938/tp/tia38.htm`,`The USSR and Problems of the Transitional Epoch (1938)` `The Soviet Union emerged from the October Revolution as a workers state. State ownership of the means of production, a necessary prerequisite to socialist development, opened up the possibility of rapid growth of the productive forces. But the apparatus of the workers’ state underwent a complete degeneration at the same time: it was transformed from a weapon of the working class into a weapon of bureaucratic violence against the working class and more and more a weapon for the sabotage of the country’s economy. The bureaucratization of a backward and isolated workers’ state and the transformation of the bureaucracy into an all-powerful privileged caste constitute the most convincing refutation – not only theoretically, but this time, practically – of the theory of socialism in one country.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1938/tp/tia38.htm`,`The USSR and Problems of the Transitional Epoch (1938)`
`The goal to be attained by the overthrow of the bureaucracy is the reestablishment of the rule of the Soviets, expelling from them the present bureaucracy. It is the task of the regenerated Soviets to collaborate with the world revolution and the building of a socialist society. The overthrow of the bureaucracy therefore presupposes the preservation of state property and of planned economy.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1939/09/ussr-war.htm`,`The USSR and War (1939)` `The goal to be attained by the overthrow of the bureaucracy is the reestablishment of the rule of the Soviets, expelling from them the present bureaucracy. It is the task of the regenerated Soviets to collaborate with the world revolution and the building of a socialist society. The overthrow of the bureaucracy therefore presupposes the preservation of state property and of planned economy.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1939/09/ussr-war.htm`,`The USSR and War (1939)`
@ -358,7 +357,6 @@
`It is untrue that revolutionary art can be created only by workers. Just because the revolution is a working-class revolution, it releases – to repeat what was said before – very little working-class energy for art.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1923/art/tia23.htm`,`Communist Policy Toward Art (1923)` `It is untrue that revolutionary art can be created only by workers. Just because the revolution is a working-class revolution, it releases – to repeat what was said before – very little working-class energy for art.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1923/art/tia23.htm`,`Communist Policy Toward Art (1923)`
`Art must make its own way and by its own means. The Marxian methods are not the same as the artistic. The party leads the proletariat but not the historic processes of history.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1923/art/tia23.htm`,`Communist Policy Toward Art (1923)` `Art must make its own way and by its own means. The Marxian methods are not the same as the artistic. The party leads the proletariat but not the historic processes of history.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1923/art/tia23.htm`,`Communist Policy Toward Art (1923)`
`Such terms as “proletarian literature” and “proletarian culture” are dangerous, because they erroneously compress the Culture of the future into the narrow limits of the present day. They falsify perspectives, they violate proportions, they distort standards and they cultivate the arrogance of small circles which is most dangerous.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1924/lit_revo/ch06.htm`,`Literature and Revolution (1924)` `Such terms as “proletarian literature” and “proletarian culture” are dangerous, because they erroneously compress the Culture of the future into the narrow limits of the present day. They falsify perspectives, they violate proportions, they distort standards and they cultivate the arrogance of small circles which is most dangerous.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1924/lit_revo/ch06.htm`,`Literature and Revolution (1924)`
`The ancient philosopher said that strife is the father of all things. No new values can be created where a free conflict of ideas is impossible. To be sure, a revolutionary dictatorship means by its very essence strict limitations of freedom. But for that very reason epochs of revolution have never been directly favorable to cultural creation: they have only cleared the arena for it. The dictatorship of the proletariat opens a wider scope to human genius the more it ceases to be a dictatorship. The socialist culture will flourish only in proportion to the dying away of the state. `,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1936/revbet/ch11.htm`,`Revolution Betrayed (1936)`
`Generally speaking, art is an expression of man’s need for an harmonious and complete life, that is to say, his need for those major benefits of which a society of classes has deprived him. That is why a protest against reality, either conscious or unconscious, active or passive, optimistic or pessimistic, always forms part of a really creative piece of work. Every new tendency in art has begun with rebellion.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1938/06/artpol.htm`,`Art and Politics in Our Epoch (1938)` `Generally speaking, art is an expression of man’s need for an harmonious and complete life, that is to say, his need for those major benefits of which a society of classes has deprived him. That is why a protest against reality, either conscious or unconscious, active or passive, optimistic or pessimistic, always forms part of a really creative piece of work. Every new tendency in art has begun with rebellion.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1938/06/artpol.htm`,`Art and Politics in Our Epoch (1938)`
`The essence of Marxism consists in this, that it approaches society concretely, as a subject for objective research, and analyzes human history as one would a colossal laboratory record. Marxism appraises ideology as a subordinate integral element of the material social structure. Marxism examines the class structure of society as a historically conditioned form of the development of the productive forces; Marxism deduces from the productive forces of society the inter-relations between human society and surrounding nature, and these, in turn are determined at each historical stage by man’s technology, his instruments and weapons, his capacities and methods for struggle with nature. Precisely this objective approach arms Marxism with the insuperable power of historical foresight.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1925/09/science.htm`,`Dialectical Materialism and Science (1925)` `The essence of Marxism consists in this, that it approaches society concretely, as a subject for objective research, and analyzes human history as one would a colossal laboratory record. Marxism appraises ideology as a subordinate integral element of the material social structure. Marxism examines the class structure of society as a historically conditioned form of the development of the productive forces; Marxism deduces from the productive forces of society the inter-relations between human society and surrounding nature, and these, in turn are determined at each historical stage by man’s technology, his instruments and weapons, his capacities and methods for struggle with nature. Precisely this objective approach arms Marxism with the insuperable power of historical foresight.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1925/09/science.htm`,`Dialectical Materialism and Science (1925)`
`If it is possible to place a given person’s general type of thought on the basis of his relation to concrete practical problems, it is also possible to predict approximately, knowing his general type of thought, how a given individual will approach one or another practical question. That is the incomparable educational value of the dialectical method of thought.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/idom/dm/09-pbopp.htm`,`A Petty-Bourgeois Opposition in the Socialist Workers Party (1939)` `If it is possible to place a given person’s general type of thought on the basis of his relation to concrete practical problems, it is also possible to predict approximately, knowing his general type of thought, how a given individual will approach one or another practical question. That is the incomparable educational value of the dialectical method of thought.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/idom/dm/09-pbopp.htm`,`A Petty-Bourgeois Opposition in the Socialist Workers Party (1939)`
@ -377,7 +375,6 @@
`Abusive language and swearing are a legacy of slavery, humiliation, and disrespect for human dignity, one’s own and that of other people.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/women/life/23_05_16.htm`,`The Struggle for Cultured Speech (1923)` `Abusive language and swearing are a legacy of slavery, humiliation, and disrespect for human dignity, one’s own and that of other people.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/women/life/23_05_16.htm`,`The Struggle for Cultured Speech (1923)`
`The husband, torn away from his usual surroundings by mobilization, changed into a revolutionary citizen at the civic front. A momentous change. His outlook is wider, his spiritual aspirations higher and of a more complicated order. He is a different man. And then he returns to find everything there practically unchanged. The old harmony and understanding with the people at home in family relationship is gone. No new understanding arises. The mutual wondering changes into mutual discontent, then into ill will. The family is broken up.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/women/life/23_07_13.htm`,`From the Old Family to the New (1923)` `The husband, torn away from his usual surroundings by mobilization, changed into a revolutionary citizen at the civic front. A momentous change. His outlook is wider, his spiritual aspirations higher and of a more complicated order. He is a different man. And then he returns to find everything there practically unchanged. The old harmony and understanding with the people at home in family relationship is gone. No new understanding arises. The mutual wondering changes into mutual discontent, then into ill will. The family is broken up.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/women/life/23_07_13.htm`,`From the Old Family to the New (1923)`
`The dictatorship will have to become softer and milder as the economic welfare of the country is raised. The present method of commanding human beings will give way to one of disposing over things. The road leads not to the robot but to man of a higher order.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1932/xx/family.htm`,`Family Relations Under the Soviets (1932)` `The dictatorship will have to become softer and milder as the economic welfare of the country is raised. The present method of commanding human beings will give way to one of disposing over things. The road leads not to the robot but to man of a higher order.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1932/xx/family.htm`,`Family Relations Under the Soviets (1932)`
`These gentlemen have, it seems, completely forgotten that socialism was to remove the cause which impels woman to abortion, and not force her into the “joys of motherhood.” with the help of a foul police interference in what is to every woman the most intimate sphere of life.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1936/revbet/ch07.htm`,`Thermidor in the Family—from Revolution Betrayed (1936)`
`The workers state has rejected church ceremony, and informed its citizens that they have the right to be born, to marry, and to die without the mysterious gestures and exhortations of persons clad in cassocks, gowns, and other ecclesiastical vestments. But custom finds it harder to discard ceremony than the state.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/women/life/23_07_14.htm`,`The Family and Ceremony (1923)` `The workers state has rejected church ceremony, and informed its citizens that they have the right to be born, to marry, and to die without the mysterious gestures and exhortations of persons clad in cassocks, gowns, and other ecclesiastical vestments. But custom finds it harder to discard ceremony than the state.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/women/life/23_07_14.htm`,`The Family and Ceremony (1923)`
`Just as a blacksmith cannot seize the red hot iron in his naked hand, so the proletariat cannot directly seize the power; it has to have an organisation accommodated to this task. The co-ordination of the mass insurrection with the conspiracy, the subordination of the conspiracy to the insurrection, the organisation of the insurrection through the conspiracy, constitutes that complex and responsible department of revolutionary politics which Marx and Engels called “the art of insurrection.” It presupposes a correct general leadership of the masses, a flexible orientation in changing conditions, a thought-out plan of attack, cautiousness in technical preparation, and a daring blow.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1930/hrr/ch35.htm`,`History of the Russian Revolution, Chpter 30 (1930)` `Just as a blacksmith cannot seize the red hot iron in his naked hand, so the proletariat cannot directly seize the power; it has to have an organisation accommodated to this task. The co-ordination of the mass insurrection with the conspiracy, the subordination of the conspiracy to the insurrection, the organisation of the insurrection through the conspiracy, constitutes that complex and responsible department of revolutionary politics which Marx and Engels called “the art of insurrection.” It presupposes a correct general leadership of the masses, a flexible orientation in changing conditions, a thought-out plan of attack, cautiousness in technical preparation, and a daring blow.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1930/hrr/ch35.htm`,`History of the Russian Revolution, Chpter 30 (1930)`
`Eclectics live by means of episodic thoughts and improvisations that originate under the impact of events. Marxist cadres capable of leading the proletarian revolution are trained only by the continual and successive working out of problems and disputes.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/germany/1932-ger/next01.htm`,`What Next for the German Revolution? (1932)` `Eclectics live by means of episodic thoughts and improvisations that originate under the impact of events. Marxist cadres capable of leading the proletarian revolution are trained only by the continual and successive working out of problems and disputes.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/germany/1932-ger/next01.htm`,`What Next for the German Revolution? (1932)`
@ -387,7 +384,6 @@
`Arguments to the effect that all violence, including revolutionary violence, is evil and that Communists therefore ought not to engage in “glorification” of armed struggle and the revolutionary army, amount to a philosophy worthy of Quakers and the old maids of the Salvation Army. Permitting such propaganda in a Communist Party is like permitting Tolstoyan propaganda in the garrison of a besieged fortress.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1918/military/ch02.htm`,`Introduction to the Military Writings (1923)`); `Arguments to the effect that all violence, including revolutionary violence, is evil and that Communists therefore ought not to engage in “glorification” of armed struggle and the revolutionary army, amount to a philosophy worthy of Quakers and the old maids of the Salvation Army. Permitting such propaganda in a Communist Party is like permitting Tolstoyan propaganda in the garrison of a besieged fortress.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1918/military/ch02.htm`,`Introduction to the Military Writings (1923)`);
`With regard to countries with a belated bourgeois development, especially the colonial and semi-colonial countries, the theory of the permanent revolution signifies that the complete and genuine solution of their tasks of achieving democracy and national emancipation is conceivable only through the dictatorship of the proletariat as the leader of the subjugated nation, above all of its peasant masses.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1931/tpr/pr10.htm`,`Theory of Permanent Revolution (1931)` `With regard to countries with a belated bourgeois development, especially the colonial and semi-colonial countries, the theory of the permanent revolution signifies that the complete and genuine solution of their tasks of achieving democracy and national emancipation is conceivable only through the dictatorship of the proletariat as the leader of the subjugated nation, above all of its peasant masses.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1931/tpr/pr10.htm`,`Theory of Permanent Revolution (1931)`
`The dictatorship of the proletariat which has risen to power as the leader of the democratic revolution is inevitably and, very quickly confronted with tasks, the fulfillment of which is bound up with deep inroads into the rights of bourgeois property. The democratic revolution grows over directly into the socialist revolution and thereby becomes a permanent revolution.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1931/tpr/pr10.htm`,`Theory of Permanent Revolution (1931)` `The dictatorship of the proletariat which has risen to power as the leader of the democratic revolution is inevitably and, very quickly confronted with tasks, the fulfillment of which is bound up with deep inroads into the rights of bourgeois property. The democratic revolution grows over directly into the socialist revolution and thereby becomes a permanent revolution.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1931/tpr/pr10.htm`,`Theory of Permanent Revolution (1931)`
`The utopian hopes of the epoch of military communism came in later for a cruel, and in many respects just, criticism. The theoretical mistake of the ruling party remains inexplicable, however, only if you leave out of account the fact that all calculations at that time were based on the hope of an early victory of the revolution in the West.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1936/revbet/ch02.htm`,`Revolution Betrayed (1936)`
`The completion of the socialist revolution within national limits is unthinkable.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1931/tpr/pr10.htm`,`Theory of Permanent Revolution (1931)` `The completion of the socialist revolution within national limits is unthinkable.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1931/tpr/pr10.htm`,`Theory of Permanent Revolution (1931)`
`To say to the Social Democratic workers: “Cast your leaders aside and join our ‘non-party’ united front” means to add just one more hollow phrase to a thousand others. We must understand how to tear the workers away from their leaders in reality. But reality today is the struggle against fascism. ... The overwhelming majority of the Social Democratic workers will fight against the fascists, but – for the present at least – only together with their organizations. This stage cannot be skipped. `,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/germany/1931/311208.htm`,`For a Workers’ United Front Against Fascism (1931)` `To say to the Social Democratic workers: “Cast your leaders aside and join our ‘non-party’ united front” means to add just one more hollow phrase to a thousand others. We must understand how to tear the workers away from their leaders in reality. But reality today is the struggle against fascism. ... The overwhelming majority of the Social Democratic workers will fight against the fascists, but – for the present at least – only together with their organizations. This stage cannot be skipped. `,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/germany/1931/311208.htm`,`For a Workers’ United Front Against Fascism (1931)`
`When a state turns fascist, it doesn’t only mean that the forms and methods of government are changed in accordance with the patterns set by Mussolini – the changes in this sphere ultimately play a minor role – but it means, primarily and above all, that the workers’ organizations are annihilated; that the proletariat is reduced to an amorphous state; and that a system of administration is created which penetrates deeply into the masses and which serves to frustrate the independent crystallization of the proletariat. Therein precisely is the gist of fascism.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/germany/1932-ger/next01.htm`,`What Next for the German Revolution? (1932)` `When a state turns fascist, it doesn’t only mean that the forms and methods of government are changed in accordance with the patterns set by Mussolini – the changes in this sphere ultimately play a minor role – but it means, primarily and above all, that the workers’ organizations are annihilated; that the proletariat is reduced to an amorphous state; and that a system of administration is created which penetrates deeply into the masses and which serves to frustrate the independent crystallization of the proletariat. Therein precisely is the gist of fascism.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/germany/1932-ger/next01.htm`,`What Next for the German Revolution? (1932)`
@ -400,9 +396,6 @@
`Contemporary society is composed of three classes: the big bourgeoisie, the proletariat and the ‘middle classes’, or the petty bourgeoisie. The relations among these three classes determine in the final analysis the political situation in the country. The fundamental classes of society are the big bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Only these two classes can have a clear, consistent, independent policy of their own. The petty bourgeoisie is distinguished by its economic dependence and its social heterogeneity. Its upper stratum is linked directly to the big bourgeoisie. Its lower stratum merges with the proletariat and even falls to the status of lumpen proletariat. In accordance with its economic situation, the petty bourgeoisie can have no policy of its own. It always oscillates between the capitalists and the workers. Its own upper stratum pushes it to the right; its lower strata, oppressed and exploited, are capable in certain conditions of turning sharply to the left. `,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1936/whitherfrance/ch00.htm`,`Whither France? (1934)` `Contemporary society is composed of three classes: the big bourgeoisie, the proletariat and the ‘middle classes’, or the petty bourgeoisie. The relations among these three classes determine in the final analysis the political situation in the country. The fundamental classes of society are the big bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Only these two classes can have a clear, consistent, independent policy of their own. The petty bourgeoisie is distinguished by its economic dependence and its social heterogeneity. Its upper stratum is linked directly to the big bourgeoisie. Its lower stratum merges with the proletariat and even falls to the status of lumpen proletariat. In accordance with its economic situation, the petty bourgeoisie can have no policy of its own. It always oscillates between the capitalists and the workers. Its own upper stratum pushes it to the right; its lower strata, oppressed and exploited, are capable in certain conditions of turning sharply to the left. `,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1936/whitherfrance/ch00.htm`,`Whither France? (1934)`
`These [Fascist] demagogues shake their fists at the bankers, the big merchants and the capitalists. Their words and gestures correspond to the feelings of the small proprietors bogged up a blind alley. The Fascists show boldness, go out into the streets, attack the police, and attempt to drive out parliament by force. That makes an impression on the despairing petty bourgeois. He says to himself: “The Radicals, among whom there are too many swindlers, have definitely sold themselves to the bankers; the Socialists have promised for a long time to abolish exploitation but they never pass from words to deeds, the Communists one cannot understand at all – today it is one thing tomorrow another; let’s see if the Fascists cannot save us.” `,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1936/whitherfrance/ch00.htm`,`Whither France? (1934)` `These [Fascist] demagogues shake their fists at the bankers, the big merchants and the capitalists. Their words and gestures correspond to the feelings of the small proprietors bogged up a blind alley. The Fascists show boldness, go out into the streets, attack the police, and attempt to drive out parliament by force. That makes an impression on the despairing petty bourgeois. He says to himself: “The Radicals, among whom there are too many swindlers, have definitely sold themselves to the bankers; the Socialists have promised for a long time to abolish exploitation but they never pass from words to deeds, the Communists one cannot understand at all – today it is one thing tomorrow another; let’s see if the Fascists cannot save us.” `,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1936/whitherfrance/ch00.htm`,`Whither France? (1934)`
`If a universal mind existed, of the kind that projected itself into the scientific fancy of Laplace – a mind that could register simultaneously all the processes of nature and society, that could measure the dynamics of their motion, that could forecast the results of their inter-reactions – such a mind, of course, could a priori draw up a faultless and exhaustive economic plan. The bureaucracy often imagines that just such a mind is at its disposal; that is why it so easily frees itself from the control of the market and of Soviet democracy.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1932/10/sovecon.htm`,`The Art of Planning (1932)` `If a universal mind existed, of the kind that projected itself into the scientific fancy of Laplace – a mind that could register simultaneously all the processes of nature and society, that could measure the dynamics of their motion, that could forecast the results of their inter-reactions – such a mind, of course, could a priori draw up a faultless and exhaustive economic plan. The bureaucracy often imagines that just such a mind is at its disposal; that is why it so easily frees itself from the control of the market and of Soviet democracy.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1932/10/sovecon.htm`,`The Art of Planning (1932)`
`The politicians of reformism, these dexterous wirepullers, artful intriguers and careerists, expert parliamentary and ministerial maneuvrists, are no sooner thrown out of their habitual sphere by the course of events, no sooner placed face to face with momentous contingencies, than they reveal themselves to be utter and complete fools.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/germany/1932-ger/next01.htm`,`What Next for the German Revolution? (1932)`
`And as to prices, they will serve the cause of socialism better, the more honestly they begin to express the real economic relations of the present day.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1936/revbet/ch04.htm`,`Revolution Betrayed (1936)`
`It is possible to build gigantic factories according to a ready-made Western pattern by bureaucratic command – although, to be sure, at triple the normal cost. But the farther you go, the more the economy runs into the problem of quality, which slips out of the hands of a bureaucracy like a shadow. The Soviet products are as though branded with the gray label of indifference. Under a nationalized economy, quality demands a democracy of producers and consumers, freedom of criticism and initiative – conditions incompatible with a totalitarian regime of fear, lies and flattery.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1936/revbet/ch04.htm`,`Revolution Betrayed (1936)`
`The party that leans upon the workers but serves the bourgeoisie, in the period of the greatest sharpening of the class struggle, cannot but sense the smells wafted from the waiting grave.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/germany/1932-ger/next01.htm`,`What Next for the German Revolution? (1932)` `The party that leans upon the workers but serves the bourgeoisie, in the period of the greatest sharpening of the class struggle, cannot but sense the smells wafted from the waiting grave.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/germany/1932-ger/next01.htm`,`What Next for the German Revolution? (1932)`
`The Jesuits represented a militant organization, strictly centralized, aggressive, and dangerous not only to enemies but also to allies. In his psychology and method of action the Jesuit of the heroicperiod distinguished himself from an average priest as the warrior of a church from its shopkeeper. We have no reason to idealize either one or the other. But it is altogether unworthy to look upon a fanatic warrior with the eyes of an obtuse and slothful shopkeeper. ... Opportunists are peaceful shopkeepers in socialist ideas while Bolsheviks are its inveterate warriors.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1938/morals/morals.htm`,`Their Morals and Ours (1938)` `The Jesuits represented a militant organization, strictly centralized, aggressive, and dangerous not only to enemies but also to allies. In his psychology and method of action the Jesuit of the heroicperiod distinguished himself from an average priest as the warrior of a church from its shopkeeper. We have no reason to idealize either one or the other. But it is altogether unworthy to look upon a fanatic warrior with the eyes of an obtuse and slothful shopkeeper. ... Opportunists are peaceful shopkeepers in socialist ideas while Bolsheviks are its inveterate warriors.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1938/morals/morals.htm`,`Their Morals and Ours (1938)`
`The petty-bourgeois moralist is the younger brother of the bourgeois pacifist who want to ‘humanize’ warfare by prohibiting the use of poison gases, the bombardment of unfortified cities, etc. Politically, such programs serve only to deflect the thoughts of the people from revolution as the only method of putting an end to war.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1939/06/moral.htm`,`Moralists and Sycophants Against Marxism (1939)` `The petty-bourgeois moralist is the younger brother of the bourgeois pacifist who want to ‘humanize’ warfare by prohibiting the use of poison gases, the bombardment of unfortified cities, etc. Politically, such programs serve only to deflect the thoughts of the people from revolution as the only method of putting an end to war.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1939/06/moral.htm`,`Moralists and Sycophants Against Marxism (1939)`
@ -749,7 +742,6 @@
`In the course of two years Soviet power in one of the most backward countries of Europe did more to emancipate women and to make their status equal to that of the “strong” sex than all the advanced, enlightened, “democratic” republics of the world did in the course of 130 years.`,`Lenin, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1919/nov/06.htm`,`Soviet Power and the Status of Women (1919)`); `In the course of two years Soviet power in one of the most backward countries of Europe did more to emancipate women and to make their status equal to that of the “strong” sex than all the advanced, enlightened, “democratic” republics of the world did in the course of 130 years.`,`Lenin, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1919/nov/06.htm`,`Soviet Power and the Status of Women (1919)`);
`Bourgeois democracy is democracy of pompous phrases, solemn words, exuberant promises and the high-sounding slogans of freedom and equality. But, in fact, it screens the non-freedom and inferiority of women, the non-freedom and inferiority of the toilers and exploited.`,`Lenin, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1919/nov/06.htm`,`Soviet Power and the Status of Women (1919)`); `Bourgeois democracy is democracy of pompous phrases, solemn words, exuberant promises and the high-sounding slogans of freedom and equality. But, in fact, it screens the non-freedom and inferiority of women, the non-freedom and inferiority of the toilers and exploited.`,`Lenin, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1919/nov/06.htm`,`Soviet Power and the Status of Women (1919)`);
`The crisis in Germany has only begun. It will inevitably end in the transfer of political power to the German proletariat. The Russian proletariat is following events with the keenest attention and enthusiasm. Now even the blindest workers in the various countries will see that the Bolsheviks were right in basing their whole tactics on the support of the world workers’ revolution.`,`Lenin, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1918/oct/03.htm`,`Letter To A Joint Session Of The All-Russia Central Executive Committee (1918)`); `The crisis in Germany has only begun. It will inevitably end in the transfer of political power to the German proletariat. The Russian proletariat is following events with the keenest attention and enthusiasm. Now even the blindest workers in the various countries will see that the Bolsheviks were right in basing their whole tactics on the support of the world workers’ revolution.`,`Lenin, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1918/oct/03.htm`,`Letter To A Joint Session Of The All-Russia Central Executive Committee (1918)`);
`The place of the family as a shut-in petty enterprise was to be occupied, according to plans, by a finished system of social care and accommodation: maternity houses, creches, kindergartens, school and hospitals, sanatoria, athletic organisations, film theatres, etc. The complete absorption of the housekeeping functions of the family by institutions of the socialist society, uniting all generations in solidarity and mutual aid, was to bring women, and thereby to the loving couple, a real liberation from the thousand-year-old fetters.`,`Trotsky, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1936/revbet/ch07.htm`,`Revolution Betrayed (1936)`);
`Social-Democracy, however, wants, on the contrary, to develop the class struggle of the proletariat to the point where the latter will take the leading part in the popular Russian revolution, i.e., will lead this revolution to a the democratic-dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry. `,`Lenin, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1905/tactics/ep-s1.htm`,`Two Tactics of Social Democracy (1905)`); `Social-Democracy, however, wants, on the contrary, to develop the class struggle of the proletariat to the point where the latter will take the leading part in the popular Russian revolution, i.e., will lead this revolution to a the democratic-dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry. `,`Lenin, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1905/tactics/ep-s1.htm`,`Two Tactics of Social Democracy (1905)`);
`We must display determination, endurance, firmness and unanimity. We must stop at nothing. Everybody and everything must be used to save the rule of the workers and peasants, to save communism. `,`Lenin, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1920/apr/19.htm`,`Speech to Third All-Russia Congress of Textile Workers (1920)`); `We must display determination, endurance, firmness and unanimity. We must stop at nothing. Everybody and everything must be used to save the rule of the workers and peasants, to save communism. `,`Lenin, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1920/apr/19.htm`,`Speech to Third All-Russia Congress of Textile Workers (1920)`);
`That today, when the wave has ebbed, there remain and will remain only real Marxists, does not frighten us but rejoices us. `,`Lenin, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1908/nov/13.htm`,`Two Letters (1908)`); `That today, when the wave has ebbed, there remain and will remain only real Marxists, does not frighten us but rejoices us. `,`Lenin, `,`http://marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1908/nov/13.htm`,`Two Letters (1908)`);

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